of Comidad
Some comments on the current riots in Tunisia and Algeria have been marked by mistrust, fear that, behind the appearances of the popular movement, lies an attempt to "color revolution" inspired by the United States. Prudence in applauding these riots is certainly an attitude should be, given the experiences of the past twenty years, on the other hand, both in Tunisia and in the case of Egypt, seem to lack the typical features and the choreography of the "color revolution" as we were able to find, For example, in the movement occurred in 2009 in Iran.
We are not in fact meet the usual demands occidentalistiche and, in a country like Egypt, the denunciation of rampant poverty and the attack on President Mubarak can not help to blame the policy of subservience towards multinational implemented recent decades by the Egyptian government. It is very difficult to imagine that the interests of U.S. corporations may be served better than Mubarak has done, nor can we conceive of a more flattened foreign policy positions in the U.S. and Israel to that of the Egyptian leader, so you do not see what advantage can derive from the United States to remove it.
Between a true popular revolution and a coup disguised as a foreigner riot, but there are several shades and possibilities that are still unexplored. The idea that in these situations are compared to the "dictatorship" on one side and the "people" generally understood the other, is too simplistic as it often plays a decisive role in the staff of the state apparatus, beginning with the Forces Armed.
The so-called "globalization" has not only thrown into the misery of the masses, handing the precariousness and unemployment, but also brought into question the system of guarantees and privileges of state bureaucracies. The so-called "globalization" also has little to do with the opening of "markets" and the mythical "competition" is actually a huge transfer of public resources to multinational corporations in the form of privatization of state funding and tax relief.
In Egypt and Tunisia in the military for decades has been the basis for recruitment of the ruling class, so even a factor of social promotion, and these elites, however, because of privatization, are now less and less to manage. Mubarak also comes from the Armed Forces and, as a fighter pilot in the Yom Kippur War of 1973, had built a personal reputation, as a truly do not know. The propaganda occidentalistica today trivializes his role as that of the usual "dictator," a category misleading both in general and in this particular case, especially given that Mubarak had played a mediating function within the military regime. In the last decade its growing apathy and its total liabilities to U.S. directives marked the surrender of Mubarak to the mediating function. Even his anti-rhetorical style, initially valued at home after the rhetorical excesses of Nasser and Sadat, has contributed over time to emphasize his utter lack of initiative and the total withdrawal mean in practice nepotism. The officers who are now behind Mubarak not only see the career thwarted by the system of family inheritance, but especially dall'incombere privatization also in the military, as is the case throughout the so-called West, including Italy.
The attitude taken so far by the Armed Forces in Tunisia and Egypt, can be a confirmation of the hypothesis that, if not behind, at least within the mass movements play a role in groups of career officers. From the time of Nasser, the armies of the Arab countries play an explicit political and ideological development are also places, so there would be no surprise that these riots were a way in which the officers are trying to get popular support for the prospect of a military coup. The
Nasserism is not the only ideological trend that crosses the Egyptian Armed Forces, because the long British rule, exercised more or less direct, has also left to settle a significant component of Masonic affiliation. For this reason we can not assume that the Egyptian armed forces could constitute a political compact, on the other hand were not even at the time of the coup officers in 1953, the year after he handed over power to Nasser , the real promoter of the whole operation.
The fact that today the riots do not take a clear stand against U.S. colonialism, can not itself be considered a sign of pro-Americanism, since it could still be a tactical position, necessitated by the persistent uncertainty of the outcome of a possible coup. Now prevails in Europe democratistic a reading of the claims of the Egyptian crowds, so the media give space to the usual electoral positions and, consequently, to shady characters such as El Baradey, whose real role is not clear. El Baradey is one of those people that the so-called West has elected to their favorites: the one is assigned the role of international policeman in the Iranian nuclear issue, and was also awarded a Nobel prize for peace, which certainly does not bode in favor of his personal transparency. The current leadership of El Baradey could therefore indicate a U.S. attempt to recover the situation at their own please, but can not exclude a hypothesis to the contrary, it would put forward its own tactical officers to reassure the United States and Europe.
What is certain is that today confront the Egyptian army and positions that terzomondistiche occidentalistiche. In a similar situation in Portugal after the coup of 1974, Colonel Otelo de Carvalho third world - perhaps too prescient for its time - was eventually marginalized and put in jail by the military pro-US, while the colonel in Venezuela Hugo Chavez, after his failed coup in 1992, also managed to seize power through popular pressure. Chavez himself was then in turn been the subject of an attempt to counter-military in 2002, but managed to win.
In recent days there have been comparisons between Egypt and Italy, and the question was raised whether such mass movements are also conceivable in countries like ours. Even in Italy the state bureaucracies and hierarchies of the armed forces are threatened by privatization, and have found many clear signs of discontent with police, police and military in general, against the Government, have expressed dissatisfaction that no only in the non-cooperation in making new emergencies of public policy, but also quite controversial demonstrations by police unions. The open hostility that the boulder-fascist minister Ignazio La Russian collecting today by the cops and the military, has become uncontrollable after his plans to privatize the armed forces were detected. This is at least unexpected, given the provenance of the same fascist La Russa, who had initially brought confidence and sympathy between cops and military.
From here to suggest a kind of role "revolutionary" and terzomondistico Italian Armed Forces, or any of them, however, there runs. Class interests and class are not automatically reflected in a consciousness of class or category. Contrary to what sometimes happened in Arab countries, Italy in the military and the police have never been regarded as popular forces, and have grown nostalgic as the flag of the fascist ideological cover for a ruling and anti antioperaismo. The widespread and branched Masonic membership in the Italian armed forces is also a significant factor and historical review by the U.S. colonialism.
There is also the question that the process of "terzomondizzazione" the European Union, triggered both by agreements with the WTO in 1995, both from the Kosovo war set by President Bill Clinton in 1999, has not yet resulted in the birth of an awareness the condition of the colony to which they are reduced by countries like Italy. The persistent intrusion of false consciousness "West" means that Europe as a colony totally unable to perceive themselves as such.
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