of Comidad
The event of 13 February to claim the dignity of women has not only been the subject of custodial sentences served by the general pro-government, but also much criticism from opposition areas. This second type of objection has been oriented towards the so-called "benaltrismo", wondering why has not reacted first of all the violations of fundamental rights have occurred in recent years. But this kind of criticism does not consider you can only react to what you are aware or made aware, so there is not, in itself, nothing wrong with the fact that the impatience and anger against Berlusconi will be "locked" to a theme today the center of attention. The real problem is rather the attempt to overthrow the psychological warfare to their advantage these outbursts of rebellion, threw at false targets, just as the "cultural Berlusconi," the idea that Berlusconi is representative of defects and TARE history of the Italian people In this case of male chauvinism.
In fact in every country and there is all the opposite of everything, but it can be considered characteristic of a people only what has social roots and tradition, so you can stand on its own legs. If you do an analysis not conditioned by the prevailing slogan, we realize that it is the inherent vitality of Berlusconi to be missing, which the Berlusconi regime is a false problem, and that the apparent strength of Berlusconi is derived solely from the fact that his opponents will always show, and inexplicably, paralyzed in the decisive moments.
The media representation of the ongoing conflict between Berlusconi and the judiciary remain in the shadows is a clear historical paradox concerning the indisputable fact that the political rise of the prime minister has found his premises and its conditions in the dissolution by the courts of the previous political order, what with journalistic accuracy, is called "First Republic". If the propaganda Berlusconi has the judicial misadventures of the Prime Minister as a result of his entry into politics, the version antiberlusconiana replies often, and with facts, that in fact this input in policy was justified by the need to find their own a shield, through the laws ad personam against judicial investigations.
The second - and far more plausible - the narrative does not take into account as in previous years the candidacy of Mr Berlusconi at the helm of government in full investigation of the so-called "Clean Hands", Berlusconi has been spared from the charge of bribery. At the time, few commentators did note that it appears unrealistic that among the sponsors of Craxi not show the presence of Berlusconi himself, a fact absurd when you consider the mass of privileges and concessions that had been bestowed by the political power of the time. A character
very important role in Italian business scene, the owner of Montedison Raul Gardini, was swept away in a few weeks he was concerned that judicial investigation, and was also the chairman of ENI, Gabriele Cagliari. Their view was also endorsed by the respective "suicide", on which many journalists psychologists are improvised from overwork to ensure accountability. Moreover, none of the many "suicides" have occurred at that time had the honor of being the subject of a serious judicial inquiry.
front of the geometric power demonstrated by the prosecutor in outstanding Gardini and Cagliari, the impression is late and hesitant pace of investigations involving Berlusconi. The judge Di Pietro resigned from the Judiciary few days after taking charge of an investigation concerning Berlusconi, dark episode and has never weighed sull'alone of "antiberlusconiano iron" of the same Di Pietro. If
Berlusconi, who seemed politically dead in 2007, was able to return to the great, was in part for the opening Credit to him that he was assured by the Secretary of the Democratic Party, Walter Veltroni, but the "shoulder" to the Prodi government came from a judicial inquiry involving the justice minister, Clemente Mastella and his wife's arrest of them. Berlusconi must therefore his comeback in 2008
Veltroni in part and in part to the Magistrates.
If today the judges can get immediate rite against Berlusconi, it should be considered only on his own, because for the most serious offense which is charged with bribery, was to provide proof that he committed while. With regard to child prostitution, was once again Berlusconi to facilitate the judicial inquiry, because, despite the explosion of the case, "the nephew of Mubarak," he recklessly continued to hold the criminal offenses. In the myth
Berlusconi, both in its positive and negative, then there is something wrong, and the representation of the "clash institutional" collides with the reality of a prime minister out of his mind, which is searched his legal problems with the lantern, in front of a judiciary that is moving in step with the bureaucratic face of evidence, without proving all the mythical "aggressive", or even a particular zeal. As part of the alleged "institutional conflicts" is forgotten, or deliberately failed, another fact, namely that President Napolitano in November last Berlusconi last saved by a vote of no confidence in the safe room under the pretext of the approval of the Finance Act. That month truce to enable the former to buy back the majority of votes needed for parliamentary confidence, and the strangest thing was that the various Fini, Casini, Bersani and Di Pietro is queued passively and without protest to the directives of Napolitano. The victimization
Berlusconi can not be reflected in any actual evidence, and the fact that some who consider themselves opponents let themselves be seduced by these victims still at the point of wanting to consider support for Berlusconi defiant and transgressive than a gesture world order, is precisely the most reliable signal of the effectiveness of psychological colonial war in which Italy is currently the target. One can not understand anything of colonialism without taking into account the category of psychological warfare (psywar), and all the techniques by which it seeks to infantilization the conquered peoples, transforming the state of submission in a sense of inferiority, which do consider the submission same as the necessary and desirable. Demoralization and corruption are two complementary arms of colonial rule, therefore, must always be analyzed as two aspects of one phenomenon. Within this colonial
psywar, has done everything to build a review absolutely convinced of the public representative of the "Berlusconi", that his character is unmistakably 'Italian', so that the eventual fall of Berlusconi could become a pretext to impose atonement and "sacrifices" to the Italian people, who will inevitably be presented as an accomplice shares responsibility for the misdeeds of his satrap.
In fact, the existence of the "cultural Berlusconi" is the fact that every time Mr Berlusconi has been in trouble, he had to seek his support ideological / narrative import models. Suspect that a head of government claims the defense of his privacy, is not a simple demonstration of chutzpah, but it is an ideological sophistication, which is certainly within reach of Berlusconi as a moron or an idler as Giuliano Ferrara. In fact it is a "German Ideology".
When you should send a film to be opposed to "The Caiman," Nanni Moretti, Rai 2 did not find anything but a German film of 2006: the award-winning "The Lives of Others", whose theme is precisely the stated invasive and intrusive privacy violated by the eye of communism. In fact, the film is a clever hoax that makes the typical shell game, in which the real bone of contention is concealed by a factor of distraction. In the film we see an intellectual of East Germany, a privileged of the system, cheating the system which is part of working with the psychological war West Germany, but very bad because the secret police, the Stasi, to search for evidence of treason, has placed the microphones in the house, behold, then the collaboration with the enemy is presented by the film as an irrelevant detail in the face of the scandal of intimacy violated.
A movie like this goes far beyond mere propaganda, it tries to manufacture a false historical memory about all the events that led to the end of the so-called "real socialism" of Eastern-Europe. Former East German film says yes agree, you had a job, housing, social guarantees, comprehensive health care and completely free, but you were not happy because the communist police violate your privacy, and for that you have rebelled by going to tear down the Berlin Wall. In this way, the historical reality is literally upside down, trying to hide the fact that the current dominant business elites in Eastern Europe have their origins in their Secret Service. In Russia, not surprisingly, the old KGB became Gazprom, which is the company that manages the business of oil and gas. In other countries of Eastern Europe's former secret agents have become trustees instead of foreign corporations. So
real socialism has not collapsed because of its economic difficulties or discontent from below, but the paradox Communist regimes already provided by Bakunin one hundred and fifty years ago, namely that the inspectors would get out of control, thus transforming their privilege in partial absolute privilege.
In the German film of the writer's character is a privileged scheme that, together with the privileges they already have, also claims to not be controlled. Here is the ideological myth of originality of Berlusconi tarnishes a lot '. There is also shown in the film rather than the exploitation of prejudice ingrained in the news, namely that the culture gives a sort of halo of innocence, for which an intellectual or a writer can not be spies. In fact, the character in the film the writer is a sort of slippery double agent who remembers any actual figures, such as Vaclav Havel of Czechoslovakia, that is a secret agent with one foot in the secret service of his country and another in the foreign secret services. These figures of intellectual double agent, in moments of transition regime, also play a mediating function between local and foreign interests. Any reference to the current role of El Baradei in Egypt is totally random. The German film
then considered a crime characteristic of communism to control the privileged not recognizing the further privilege of privacy. Privacy is indeed a privilege of the rich and powerful, while the poor if they can afford. If, instead of bothering a privileged, the Stasi had seized a poor man and all he had done in a sort of Guantanamo to make him confess under torture, then no "privacy" was violated and everything would be fine. From the U.S. we have just indicated that it will not close Guantanamo, and Guantanamo has nothing in common.
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